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The Collation

Unsexing St. Agatha

Printer text in English surrounded a square woodcut of a woman with a halo around her head holding a book in one hand and pincers in the other
Printer text in English surrounded a square woodcut of a woman with a halo around her head holding a book in one hand and pincers in the other

The proposed debut of my first contribution to The Collation happened to fall on February 5th, or the feast day of Saint Agatha, which struck me as a serendipitous opportunity to take on a project I’ve had on the backburner for about as long as I’ve worked here–that is, to try my hand at transcribing Saint Agatha’s legend as it is recorded in one of my favorite Folger items.1

V.b.334 is an early 17th century manuscript consisting predominantly of female saints’ lives adapted in typical hagiographical fashion from a variety of earlier texts.2 The scribe of V.b.334 helpfully cites their rendering of Agatha’s legend as having been “taken for the most part” from the work of “Ado, Bishoppe of Trevaers,” in reference to Ado of Vienne’s 9th century martyrology.3

So, without further ado… Ado… ha! Let’s revisit the life of St. Agatha through the lens of this stunning manuscript.4 And perhaps we can talk about the hermeneutics of it all, too, if you’ll indulge me for a moment.

A page of handwritten text
The first half of Agatha’s legend. V.b.334, f. 3r.
A page of handwritten text
The conclusion of Agatha’s legend, including information about her veneration and the date of her martyrdom. V.b.334, f. 3v.

The events of this legend take us to Catania, Sicily, in the year 252 AD, set against the backdrop of the Decian persecution. We are introduced to a teenage Agatha, who V.b.334 describes as being both “borne of a noble linage” and “verye fayre.” A devout follower of Christ, Agatha had chosen to walk the path of chastity from adolescence.

Enter one Quintianus, a Roman prefect–or consul, or in this iteration “liefetenaunt”–who was a man of “greate auctoritie” and very little integrity.5

It should come as no surprise that the well-off and by all accounts beautiful Agatha would have the misfortune of catching his eye. But being unwavering in her faith, Agatha rejects his sexual advances and refuses to make sacrifice to his pagan idols.

Affronted, Quintianus devises a plan to place Agatha in the care of a “certen infamous woman,” this being the duly named procuress, Aphrodisia, and her “verye vnhoneste and Shamelesse” daughters. It is his misplaced hope that a change in scenery, specifically a stay in a brothel, may diminish her religious convictions. Thirty days elapse, and Aphrodisia has this to report back to Quintianus:

the hard stones might more easilye be made softe then the minde
of that mayde could be called from the christian entent

Agatha is summoned before Quintianus, and a debate between the two ensues, during which she is interrogated about her upbringing and moral character. Although this is certainly the point at which she is tempted to suggest one not throw stones at glass houses, Agatha assures him that she is in fact of “noble stocke,” and that he doesn’t have to take her word for it–you can ask anyone, and they would tell you the same. Quintianus then inquires of her: 

yf thou be knowen to be a gentle woman and soe well borne why doest thou soe debase thy self in manners and conditions

That’s simple–Agatha tells him that she debases herself so because she is the “servaunt of Christe,” case closed. It is at this point Quintianus, unable to outwit her, orders Agatha to be “buffeted and beaten” before being imprisoned, to which she not only acquiesces, but proceeds gladly, “triumphinge as thoughe she had gone to a banquett”.

The next day she is summoned before a judge. In a grimly-humorous turn of events, the judge and Quintianus happen to be one and the same. He determines (after consulting himself, presumably) that she should be “hanged vppon an Ingine” as punishment for her transgressions. Agatha welcomes this, responding with emphatic aplomb:

I am delighted w[i]th these temporall punishm[en]tes, for the wheate cannott
be laide vppe in the Garner vntill it be well threshed and brought 
into chaffe: noe more canne my soule enter into the paradize of god w[i]th 
the palme of Martirdome vnlesse thow cause my boddy to be hardly entreated 
of the tormenters.

It is then we arrive at the critical moment of her passion, wherein Quintianus orders for Agatha to be “tormented in her pappe,” culminating in one or both of her breasts being “cutte of.”

A colorful ink drawing of a woman with a halo around her head tied to an arch. A bearded man uses pincers to attack her chest, while a man with a crown and scepter sits watching the scene.
From the 12th century Passionary of Weissenau, Bodmer Library, Cod. Bodmer 127, f. 39v.

While V.b.334 skews reticent concerning the method, the scene of her involuntary mastectomy dominates the iconography of Agatha’s legend throughout time, and it is almost always a gruesome affair. Agatha is often depicted strung up on the rack and stripped to the waist, breasts being pried from her chest by pincers; blood streams in lurid rivulets from the site of her wounds.6

Back in prison, Agatha is visited by a “certen reverent old man” claiming to be a physician, who offers to heal her mutilated breasts. She resists his aid, for she deems intervention from “corporall medicine” to be unnecessary, stating: “I haue Ih[e]s[u] Christe my sauiour whoe healeth all thinges w[i]th his word.” Luckily for her, the stranger reveals that he is Christ’s apostle–with the reader understanding this to be St. Peter–and he restores her breasts via spiritual means before vanishing into the night.

Several days pass, and Quintianus, having caught wind of this miraculous intervention, sets into motion one last act of torture for Agatha, wherein “sharpe Potshardes and coales should be laid abroade, and that she should be layd vppon them.” Just before this can be carried out, an earthquake tears through the city, causing the walls around them to collapse and killing two of Qunitianus’ companions who had taken part in Agatha’s torture. 

Agatha is put into prison for a final time, where she prays to God for deliverance, thereafter meeting her untimely end on her own terms. Don’t worry–Quintianus gets what’s coming to him. As he and his army embark on a mission to make away with Agatha’s family’s wealth, he is, with a befitting lack of ceremony, thrown off his horse, “wherby the lust iudgm[en]t of god he was by the way drowned in a Riuer.”

Printer text in English surrounded a square woodcut of a woman with a halo around her head holding a book in one hand and pincers in the other
Agatha brandishing pincers. One of Caxton’s original 1483 woodcuts in STC 24878.3 (1507), f. 105r.

The reproduction of familiar relationship models through saints’ lives allowed the Christian reader to evaluate their lived experiences against a conventional ideal. Keeping this in mind, what would Agatha’s legend convey to its audience? That the text is marked by an undercurrent of anxiety surrounding Agatha’s role in society can’t be ignored. But this anxiety isn’t hers–she welcomes and encourages the destruction of her body as a means to certify her sanctity. Rather, this tension resides in the roles she refuses to perform.

I’ve long since been compelled by readings of saints’ lives that deconstruct “male” and “female” designations to allegorise proximity with the divine. While Agatha’s vita lacks the more obvious gender-bending elements of other contemporaneous hagiographies, it underscores both the androgenizing function of salvation, and the salvific function of subverting ascribed gender imperatives. 

Because Agatha is unwilling to sacrifice her virginity, and subsequently unwilling to wed, she will in turn never produce a child. Her model for a potential husband is bleak, and her body, with the focus on her breasts as the most obvious indicator of her womanhood, is reduced by Quintianus to a site of ruined sexual potential. Agatha herself alludes to the unrealized capability for her to become a mother as she berates Quintianus following the mutilation of her breasts:

Art thou nott ashamed thou cruell tyraunt, to cutt that from
me, which thou suckest vppon thy mother

However, in a crucial follow-up that is missing from V.b.334, but present in Caxton, Agatha adds:

But I haue my pappes hole in my soule, of whych I nourisshed all my wyttes, the whyche I haue ordeyned to serue our lord Jhesu cryste syth the begynnyng of my yougthe.

That is, like separating the wheat from the chaff, divesting Agatha of her corporeal body, her breasts, is meaningless relative to her spiritual wholeness. Rather than speaking to a masculine reversal of her gender or a perversion of her femininity, the disfigurement of her breasts provides a narrative device through which Agatha is relieved of her earthly responsibilities as dictated by her gender–of marriage, of sex, and of motherhood–and in which the gendered body becomes but an ontological barrier between herself and Christ.

When structures of authority are dependent on the performance of gender upholding a perceived biological truth, failure or inability to cooperate challenges the legitimacy of the structure itself. Agatha’s legend could have provided a nuanced critique for early modern women who sought to replicate her particular brand of sanctity on the importance of self-authorship in piety, where the limitations of the physical body and the socio-patriarchal matrix are circumvented through negotiation with the ungendered soul.

  1. With many thanks to my colleagues Sara Schliep and Damien Thomas for editing my transcription and holding my hand as I stumbled through many bewildering ligatures and -es brevigraphs.
  2. See Jenny Bledsoe’s discussion on the possible exemplars in Holy Families and Vowed Life. The Legends of East Anglian Sister Saints in a Seventeenth-Century English Manuscript. In Writing Holiness: Genre and Reception across Medieval Hagiography (pp. 109-135). Among the varied source texts at the disposal of the author of V.b.334, Bledsoe’s discovery of its similarities to British Library MS Stowe 53 is incredibly promising.
  3. In this case, “Trevaers” can be read as the place name “Trèves,” now known as the German city of Trier. Ado was educated partly in the Benedictine abbey at Prüm, near Trier, before being elected archbishop of Vienne in 860 AD.
  4. Because V.b.334 abbreviates some information, perhaps due to limitations of the manuscript format, I will supplement this retelling for narrative purposes with the best-known hagiographical source, Jacobus de Vorgaine’s Legenda aurea, using William Caxton’s translation, first published in 1483. The Folger has several editions printed by his successor Wynkyn de Worde in the years following Caxton’s death in 1492.

  5. Caxton’s translation elicits an image of Quintianus that is more vividly unsympathetic–he is described as being “auarycyous”, “lecherous” and of “lowe lygnage” (STC 24878.3, f. 105r).
  6. For a deep-dive on the iconography of St. Agatha’s martyrdom, see Martha Easton: “Saint Agatha and the sanctification of sexual violence.” Studies in Iconography 16 (1994): 83-118.

Comments

This is an interesting take on St. Agatha’s story and I love how you’ve brought out the inspiring aspects and her strength. However as far as I know, in Catholic theology the soul is believed to be gendered. I could be wrong, but I’d be wary of drawing a concept of the “ungendered soul” out of St. Agatha’s story without backup from theological sources.

Goldberry — February 6, 2025

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